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One Belt, One Road and Central Asia: Challenges and Opportunities

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The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena

Abstract

This chapter seeks to innovatively contribute to the debates surrounding the One Belt, One Road project by addressing the views, concerns and political and economic considerations of the Central Asian governments, thus adding new voices and new perspectives to the current literature (academic and specialized) on the project. The paper consists of three main parts. The first section analyses the project in its political specificities, geographical scope, and economic dimension. The second part focuses on Central Asia and its economic and political landscape. The third and final section brings together the first two parts and assesses the structural opportunities and challenges that the One Belt, One Road project is likely to face during its implementation in Central Asia, considers the potential outlooks, and offers suggestions for successful outcome of the project.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The OBOR project consists of two distinct, yet intertwined routes: a territorial belt cutting through the territory of Eurasia and a maritime route passing through the Indian Ocean.

  2. 2.

    For the purpose of this paper, Central Asia refers to the five republics of Kazakhstan , Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan , Turkmenistan , and Uzbekistan . Also‚ this paper was written when the late Uzbek President Islam Karimov was still alive. Under the new leadership of Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Uzbekistan’s attitude towards regional aspects of OBOR-related projects may change.

  3. 3.

    This is directly pertinent to the realization of the OBOR project. The official narrative on the project does not see it as a product of good-neighborly relations between the republics, but rather as the source of them: “The Belt and Road Initiative is in line with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. It upholds the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: mutual respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.” (NRDC et al. 2015).

  4. 4.

    Interviewees’ names have been anonymized by request of the interested parties.

  5. 5.

    At the Astana Club meeting in November 2015, Prime Minister Karim Massimov and other Kazakh speakers emphasized that their country’s location is ideal for the “connectivity” that the Chinese are seeking (Kirişci and Le Corre 2015).

  6. 6.

    Yet, the project is now being reconsidered in the light of the recent financial crisis that has hit Kazakhstan and the tenge, the national currency (Expert 2, personal communication, 23 April 2016).

  7. 7.

    As an example, one may consider that to cross the China–Kyrgyz border through the Irkeshtam Pass (the “smoothest” and most southern) one has to go through two border crossings, two checkpoints, and a 150-km ride (using official taxis or hitchhiking) just to change sides.

  8. 8.

    It is worth noting that the China–Kazakhstan –Turkmenistan –Iran railroad communication more than halves the distance of transportation between China and Iran compared with the maritime route (Kazinform 2016; Expert on the region, personal communication, 24 April 2016).

  9. 9.

    Currently, 300 km between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan are still disputed (DW 2016); half of the border between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan needs to be delimited (Muzalevsky 2014); and Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have only delimited 86% of their common border so far (Tajik MFA, n.d.).

  10. 10.

    I was told that with Tajikistan “things are good but time [of transportation] could be better” (Expert 1, personal communication, 30 April 2016.

  11. 11.

    All my interviewees confirmed this. Yet, the question as to whether Chinese immigration constitutes a threat to Tajikistan is still debated in Kazakh academia. For interesting perspectives on the topic, see Svetlana Kozhirova and Bakyt Ospanova (2014) and Yelena Sadovskaya (2015).

  12. 12.

    In this respect, it is also of utmost importance to remember that between 1999 and 2002, Tajikistan , Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan all ceded portions of land to China in the course of border negotiations. For more details, see Bruce Pannier (2016).

  13. 13.

    In this respect, it may be interesting to consider that China and Kazakhstan have signed a memorandum of understanding on cooperation between the customs departments of the two countries. See AKIpress (2015).

  14. 14.

    Also, one may consider as an example that the Irkeshtam Pass, which serves as entrance gate for Chinese goods from Kashgar to Karasuu bazaar in Kyrgyzstan’s part of the Fergana Valley, snoozes surrounded by high mountains. Although officially it should be finished by 2020, so far the Kashgar’s Special Economic Zone is little more than a white elephant project on the outskirts of the city, which only a few people know how to reach.

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Costa Buranelli, F. (2018). One Belt, One Road and Central Asia: Challenges and Opportunities. In: Cheng, Y., Song, L., Huang, L. (eds) The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5921-6_12

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